Курсовая работа: The UK as a member of the EU

Joining the euro could boost trade and thus national income, although the estimates are highly uncertain. But any gains could be outweighed by the costs of greater economic instability and higher unemployment in the EMU that can only be avoided by sustainable convergence between Britain and the euro zone and more flexibility. Interest rates are not likely to be significantly lower inside the euro than outside, and frequently they may not meet the needs of the British economy. [11, p.60-66]

2.3.4 Summary and conclusions

Joining the euro is not a policy but a strategy. It is not simply business as usual but with a different name for the currency. Many things will change as a result. It’s not a short-term fix but a medium-term programme to deliver long-term benefits.

Chapter 3. Politic integration the EU and the UK

3.1 Common foreign and security policy

3.1.1 Aims

The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is a common, rather than a single, foreign and security policy i.e. Member states act collectively in those areas where they all agree. The CFSP aims:

· to safeguard the common values, fundamental interests, independence and integrity of the Union in conformity with the principles of the United Nations Charter;

· to strengthen the security of the Union in all ways;

· to preserve peace and strengthen international security, in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter, as well as the principles of the Helsinki Final Act and the objectives of the Paris Charter, including those on external borders;

· to promote international cooperation;

· to develop and consolidate democracy and the rule of law, and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.

It came into being when the Treaty on the European Union (the Treaty of Maastricht) entered into force on 1 November 1993. [10, p.20]

3.1.2 The Main Players in CFSP

· The European Council (a meeting of EU Heads of State or Government) sets the CFSP agenda.

· The General Affairs and External Relations Council (GAERC), the monthly meeting of Member States’ Foreign Ministers, is the main decision-making body. Other formations of Member States’ Ministers can sign off the least contentious of decisions.

· The High Representative for CFSP (currently Javier Solana) assists the GAERC by preparing and implementing policy discussions.

The 1997 Amsterdam Treaty created a new post of High Representative for the CFSP who would also be the Secretary General of the Council. Under the Treaty his sole authority is limited to "assisting" the Council and the Member State holding the Presidency, which remained (and remains) responsible for the management of the CFSP. [5]

· The Political and Security Committee (Brussels-based meeting at ambassadorial level) deals with the day-to-day running of CFSP.

The Commission has no decision-making role within CFSP, but takes part in discussions.

· The European Parliament has no decision-making role within CFSP, but is kept informed. [6]

3.1.3 Common Security & Defense Policy (CSDP)

Part of the CFSP is the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). This gives the EU military and civilian tools to contribute to international security by setting up missions in conflict and post-conflict areas. [5]

The aim of the CSDP is to give to the EU a politico-military capability for purely European operations where the US and/or NATO do not want to be involved, for example, for peacekeeping and other military and security tasks, without undermining the importance of NATO as the provider of territorial defense for most Member States. [12]

The Maastricht Treaty brought defense policy into the EU for the first time. However the arrangements for giving it effect (through the Western European Union) came rapidly to be seen as ineffectual. Recognizing this and chastened by the weak European military showing in the Balkans, at a bilateral summit at St Malo in 1998, the United Kingdom and France went a stage further. Their joint initiative was adopted by the European Council in Cologne in 1999 as the new European Security and Defense Policy (since renamed). Details were fleshed out at the Helsinki European Council in December 1999 and have been developed continuously ever since. They included ambitious force goals (a corps level - up to 60,000 troops - deployment capability by 2003, now postponed to 2010) and new command, control and politico-military structures (Military Committee, Military Staff, political control by the Political and Security Committee, see above). They also included ambitious capabilities on the civilian (civ-mil) side to win the peace in addition to military capabilities to win the war. As with NATO, there is no standing army, only national units voluntarily assigned on each occasion for joint operations.

The CSDP is still work in progress. The Lisbon Treaty makes no fundamental changes to EDSP except to provide an obligation on Member States to come to one another’s defense in the unlikely event of armed aggression against one of them - but this is an obligation on Member States and not on the EU. The Treaty also renames the EDSP the Common Security & Defense Policy (CSDP) [5].

3.1.4 Conclusion

The UK fully supports an effective EU foreign policy and is committed to playing an active role in the formulation of CFSP. When EU Member States are able to speak with one voice on international affairs, they can achieve more and exercise greater influence than any single Member State could alone. [6]

3.2 European constitution